Open City Hall
“A public office is a public trust.”
— Theodore Roosevelt
Executive Summary
City Hall has become a fortress of insiders and lobbyists, and of self-dealing. We must tear down that wall. In its place, we will build a City Hall that is radically open, fiercely accountable, and physically present in every borough. We will shine a light so bright that corruption has nowhere to hide. Drawing on New York grit and international best practices, my administration will institute a sweeping anti-corruption, anti-lobbyist, pro-people agenda to restore trust and equity in city governance. My plan starts during my campaign by disavowing money from political-action committees.
So, in my administration, there will be no VIP entrance to City Hall. Whether you’re a home-health aide or hedge-fund manager, you’ll have the same access. Whether you are Republican, independent or Democrat, you’ll have the same voice. Whether you are poor, middle-class or wealthy, you’ll have the same seat at the table.
The Problem: An Unequal Table
Right now, if you’re a corporate lobbyist, you get a backdoor pass to City Hall. If you’re a working parent from the Bronx or a small business owner in Flatbush, you wait in line—if you’re even invited in. Influence shouldn’t be about who you know. Government is supposed to work for everyone, not just the well-connected. Unequal access ends on day one of my administration.
The Solution: Break the Back of Special Interests in City Hall
Despite all the superficial half-measures and broken promises we have seen, there are proven strategies to create a City Hall free from special interests. It begins with a mayor who actually wants that. I do. Because I know it is a better way to run City Hall—and it is better for every New Yorker. This is true even for the special interests—oftentimes there is unequal access even among them, depending on who they supported and who won an election.
Here is my 12-part plan:
1. No More City Hall for Sale: Political Action Committees
Our system has campaign contribution limits for three reasons: (1) to prevent corruption, (2) to maintain accountability to actual voters, and (3) to create a level playing field among candidates.
Wealthy contributors violate those principles through political action committees (PACs).[1] PACs allow them to skirt contribution limits and give limitless money and literally “buy” elections.[2]
Candidates violate the law when: (1) they help create the PAC themselves or (2) they coordinate with or control how the PAC spends its money. Both of these are criminal offenses. Under New York law (§3-711), any intentional violation of campaign-finance rules is a Class A misdemeanor.
Andrew Cuomo did both. What are the chances of Cuomo facing real consequences? Zero. No DA in the state has even prosecuted candidates for intentionally violating PAC rules, important as they are. We know why: political parties protect themselves.
For my part, I will not skirt the PAC rules in letter or spirit. I have plenty of ultra-wealthy friends and supporters too. To them, let me be clear: I do not want any of my supporters to form a PAC to support my campaign. If one is started by any supporters, I will publicly disavow it. If they made campaign contributions, I will refund them.
More, I will self-impose a policy to discourage PACs. If I win in November, I will create a “Do Not Call” list (DNC) for any PAC contributor. No one in City Hall will be permitted to speak to anyone on the DNC. If any of the people on the DNC are personal friends, my rule will be the same (so, to all my friends, do NOT give to a PAC). If people on the DNC have problems with City Hall policy or programs, they can simply write letters to the relevant agency. Every person on the DNC will have their letters published, and the responses from any city agency tracked, so that everyone can tell whether they got better treatment than the average Joe or Jane.
No sane person would start a PAC under these conditions. And that is precisely what I want: no PAC interference with this election, whether for or against me. That is what New Yorkers deserve.
But I will do more. I already announced my intention to create a new independent city agency to root out corruption, the Citywide Department of Public Integrity (here). In forming that agency, I will create a special division for Campaign Finance Board (CFB) Criminal Enforcement. Its mission will cover intentional violations of PAC rules. [To be clear, I will NOT use that power to investigate opponents in this race, including Cuomo—its mission will be on forward-looking violations after this race.]
And, finally, I will do everything in my power to increase penalties for intentional CFB violations like the ones Cuomo committed. Higher penalties and real enforcement will deter intentional misconduct.
Our elections should not be for sale. Cuomo cares more about winning than acting ethically. He needs the job, like every career politician. I don’t. Although I intend to win, I would rather lose than sacrifice my principles.
2. Lobbyist Transparency Database
We will replace the confusing and opaque system for lobbying transparency. Inspired by the city of Helsinki, we will launch an open, searchable public database of every meeting between city officials and registered lobbyists. Time, place, participants, topic and (going beyond Helsinki) a full AI-generated transcript of the meeting—all published within 72 hours. Lobbyists will not have the right to review the transcript before it is published.
3. Equal Time Rule
For every hour a city official meets with a lobbyist, they must match that time with constituents. That’s not a suggestion—that’s policy.
4. Lobbyist Blackout Zones
Major procurement and land use decisions will come with a mandatory blackout period where no lobbying is permitted—just public comment and deliberation.
5. “Open City Hall” Digital Dashboard
Modeled after “Better Reykjavik,” New Yorkers will be able to submit and vote on policy proposals online. The top proposals each quarter will be publicly debated and considered by the administration.
6. Open Performance Metrics
Every city agency’s key performance data will be made publicly available and updated monthly. If Sanitation misses pickups or NYCHA fails to fix boilers—everyone will know. And this will extend to my own programs: New Yorkers will get real-time data—and all the data, not just the “good” data—on whether key programs are working.
7. Satellite City Hall
Because I know that being among the people is important for City Hall’s credibility, and for breaking the influence of special interests (a cancer that festers in the darkness of a reclusive administration), I will establish offices in all boroughs, located in underserved, high-crime neighborhoods. This will bring attention and resources. It will also show that a mayor should work, at least part-time, in areas hardest hit by City Hall’s failures. I will open the first two offices within 3 months of my inauguration—in Brownsville, Brooklyn, and Mott Haven, Bronx.
8. Constituent Office Hours
In these satellite offices, I will make time for direct meetings with constituents—not just community leaders but all New Yorkers. And it will be me, not a collection of staffers. If you’ve got a problem, I’ve got time for you.
9. Local Accountability Boards
Each satellite office will host a quarterly public forum with me and key agency heads, so New Yorkers can question, challenge, and direct their government face-to-face.
10. A Culture of Ethical Public Service
Every city employee, from commissioners to clerks, will be held to the highest ethical standards—with mandatory training in transparency, fairness, and anti-corruption. Violation of these ethics rules will have consequences. The tone from the top will be clear: we have zero tolerance for unethical behavior. This is critical to rebuilding a culture of ethical service in public office.
11. Full Openness to the Media
My first policy was about the relationship I hoped to foster with the media: one built on respect for their important job and candor on the toughest of questions (here). I pledge not to disparage them, shut them out or retaliate against them in any way for coverage or tough questions, whether I agree with them or not. We have seen this terrible practice at the federal, state and local levels, especially with Mayor Adams and President Trump. But even Andrew Cuomo has stooped low in his treatment of the media. When their political standing is at odds with the 1st Amendment, self-interest wins every time.
12. One City, One Standard
We need to get back to honest accountability and acceptance of responsibility from our leaders. That is the very reason I am running for Mayor. So, I pledge—in no uncertain terms—that if I make a mistake or my policies fail to work, or, worse yet, my policies hurt someone, I will be honest. This means faithfully responding to the media’s requests for documents and information. I will live and govern by the same rules and norms that our great Nation expects of everyone. I will never put myself above the law.
Conclusion
Throughout my 30+-year career, I have most often fought for “Good Government.” I filed dozens of cases to achieve it. I wrote Op-Eds to encourage it. I worked with experts to unpack it. I met with elected officials to obtain it. Any number of media profiles of my work throughout the years—long before I ever decided to run for office—document my forceful dedication to Good Government.
That dedication is part of the reason I left the Democratic party in 2006. It is part of the reason I served on the board of New York City’s oldest good-government entity, Citizen’s Union (not to be confused with Citizens United), for more than a decade. I had been elected to lead its Board of Directors last year, but I resigned instead to fight to restore Good Government to our city.
“Good Government” is no slogan to me. I started the first pro bono legal practice specifically dedicated to Good Government for a reason. I devoted thousands of hours to this cause for a reason. I built my law firm around the idea for a reason. Without ethical and honest leadership, we have nothing. Literally nothing.
Every decision that hurts people can be traced directly to unethical and self-interested leaders. They care more about climbing their own political ladder than lifting people out of despair and solving intractable problems. That is why they will throw us under the bus any time our societal interests diverge from personal ones. I staked this entire race on the notion that well-informed voters would choose a highly capable, accomplished, crusading lawyer, devoted to “Good Government,” above any unethical, conflicted, inexperienced or failed candidates.
Let’s tear down the wall of special interests and build a City Hall that belongs to every New Yorker.
New Yorkers deserve real leadership, not half-measures and excuses.
Jim Walden,
Candidate for Mayor
[1] To be sure, not every PAC contributor has any intention to buy access with their contributions. Some just want their candidate to win. I get that. But PACs give the appearance of corruption, even when well intentioned. And they also reflect a bitter reality for disadvantaged people: wealthy people have a seriously outsized voice in who wins. So, even well-intentioned PACs are wrong-headed and short-sighted.
[2] The door to “Super PACs” was opened in the courts, especially the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission in 2010. One expert said, “It is difficult to overstate how much the campaign finance system changed because of this decision. It set in motion a sequence of dramatic changes.” We can’t change Citizens United and cases like it. But we can limit the terrible impact of big money in our elections by passing city-specific laws about PACs. I will work hard to get big money out of our elections.